Laborism

Flag of the international Laborist movement, adopted in 66 PC.

Laborism is an international ideology whose goal is the creation of societies governed by worker interests. As an international and collaborative movement, it was conceptualized in 66 PC in Buglio, during a meeting between representatives of Isola, Einru and the Kalami labor movement, as well as Nasrid Noglista, a sympathetic priest of Modhes Temple. Despite some shared goals, the factions sympathetic to Laborism do not generally hold ideological unity with one another, though cooperation and deepening of ties has taken place, particularly between the Rossan Isola and the Utlian Einru. Thus, Laborism may be more or less democratic, may focus more or less on state control, and may emphasize more or less on the power of labor unions to achieve its goals.

Despite the aspirations of the Laborists being the liberation of all laborers of the archipelago from oppression, this internationalist aim should not necessarily be confused for a wish of an archipelago-wide state, let alone the abolition of countries. While most Laborist recognize international cooperation as a major boon to their own projects, they tend to remain focused on governing and bringing change on a national level, with other nations still being seen only as allies. The only exception to this can be found among Deysachni Laborists, although this can be ascribed to Modhes Temple's wider claims to a world state rather than a true distinction among Laborists.

Laborist ideologies and tactics

Due to Laborism's independent emergence across the histories of several nations, each with their own local contexts, a number of varying ideologies and tactics have been employed in the larger goal of worker emancipation. The following is a list of strategies, goals and beliefs associated with Laborism. Certain foundational beliefs may shared by some, but not all Laborists.

Domestic Control

• Unionism refers to the use of labor unions to support and promote Laborist goals, through organization, strikes and protests, as well as company ownership, to raise living standards and increase Laborist control over the economy at large. Certain Laborists emphasize unions as the highest level of worker control, and claim that state control is limited in the help it may provide.

• Statism is the use of government power, whether on the national or the local level, to implement Laborist policy into action and break down power structures oppressive to laborers and workers. It can, but does not necessarily need to exist alongside unionism, though the two can work hand-in-hand to promote Laborist interests.

• Democratic Laborism is used to note Laborist support for democracy, whether on the national or union level. While unions tend to be democratically controlled, some Laborists make a distinction when it comes to the control of national governments, stating that democratic control will slow down and dilute Laborist interests in the long-term.

Economics

• State Laborism is the claim that Laborism can only be accomplished through state control over the economy, which is to be used to drive equalizing outcomes on society at large, through government allocation of goods and distributive programs used to lift up workers. Supporters of State Laborism tend to be Statists in general.

• Market Laborism is an opposing view, stating that while the government should have a regulatory role over a Laborist economy, most of its management should come down to unions in control of the nation's businesses. It is focused on increasing worker control over the economy, with the government only correcting major faults in the system. It is highly compatible with Unionism, though State Laborists have been using their support as well.

Foreign Relations

• International Laborism refers to the idea that Laborist countries should work to support one another on an international stage, and preferably to reduce dependencies on non-Laborist nations. It can be distinguished from pragmatic internationalism, which sees relationships being held with countries on non-ideological grounds.

• Isolationism refers to the mostly abandoned idea that Laborist interests should be encouraged within the confines of a self-sufficient, autarkic nation. While isolation still exists as an idea more broadly, it has virtually lost all support among Laborists.

Laborism by country

La Rossa

Dux Alessandro Spadi is the first self-identified Laborist Dux of the country, and is largely seen as a return to the radical roots behind La Denunzia.

In a Rossan context, two major branches of Laborism exist, both with their roots in La Denunzia. Falconeism, named after Dux Giulio Falcone, represents the State Laborist faction, aiming for large governmental control and broad, economically distributive programs. DeGaioism, after Ducissa Alessandra DeGaio, represents the more moderate faction, placing greater emphasis on autonomy, individual liberties and democracy, being generally in favor of a Market Laborist position.

The Rossan Laborist movement primarily draws its tradition from the Denunzian revolt that overthrew the island's aristocracy. The revolution came as a result of a major economic crisis that saw widespread unemployment and impoverishment, leading to popular anger being aimed at the island elite, seen as corrupt, wealthy and decadent. The revolution, though mostly peaceful, was greatly widespread, with major coordinated strikes by unions and syndicates across the country eventually culminating in the Dux's palace being stormed, and resulting in the installing of Giulio Falcone as leader of the country. As Dux, he created broad and expansive state-backed programs that distributed wealth towards the poor and the working class. This came alongside the abolishment of the rudimentary democracy that existed before, motivated due to fears that the old elite may once again take control to destroy the revolution's progress. The original crisis came in as a result of resource depletion, promoting the belief that wealth existed as a fixed pie that could only be cut up instead of grown. The economy continued to stagnate in the following years, though distributive programs continued in efforts to equalize sums of wealth.

Isola began as an isolationist party opposed to opening up to foreign markets, though grew to support international ties with Laborist nations abroad.

The Calming destroyed many basic assumptions. Renewed calls for democracy resulted in the first free elections to be held in 15 PC. Domestic markets were once again opened up, with looser monetary policy and stronger government regulations. Denunzianism largely grew into its more moderate form, with the totalist state control beginning to be seen as disastrous. However, it was not until 41 PC, or 32 years after the Calming had occurred on La Rossa, that the nation opened its ports to free trade with the rest of the archipelago, under the conservative Minestrici administration led by the very member of the old aristocracy the revolution believed it forever overthrew. This change once more created reactive conditions, with the Denunzians aligned with the old guard, led by Antonio Morobaldi, coming to unite behind the banner of the Isola party in 48 PC, which held the support of La Rossa's labor unions which saw themselves as threatened by international markets.

Despite some electoral successes in city-provincial elections, it took until 55 PC before Morobaldi became the victor of the national election. Unfortunately, he would die from a stroke the same evening, under the stress of election night. The conservative Barozzo administration illegally remained in power for an addition year and a half, when it was overthrown with the help of Deysachin. Following this crisis, another Isolan and former Dux - Giulio Moretti - would win the following election, though he came from the moderate wing of the party, away from Morobaldi's radical opposition to foreign trade. Though Moretti would be seen as a more modest figure, partly in line with the conservative internationalists, he would also come to transfer ownership of major companies to the control of their respective unions, as a way of limiting the influence of Barozzo's collaborators.

The unions, already a large part of Isola's backing, became greatly empowered by this move. While Isola's leadership would move towards the more radical leadership of Gabriella Tritone due to dissatisfaction with Moretti's moderation, unions began to once again be seen as the true backing of an effective labor movement, instead of it being accomplished through action of the national government. With small, but significant parts of the economy now being owned democratically by its workers, the following years were followed by major wage hikes and unionization rates, in spite of the nation's return to more conservative governance. The party's isolationist roots, still adhered to by the radical faction, began to soften with the 66 PC Laborist meeting, when a more pragmatic approach towards cooperation with friendly Laborist nations was adopted. A major economic crisis in 78 PC led to another upheaval in Rossan politics, with a period of heightened inflation and unemployment leading to the self-described Laborist candidate Alessandro Spadi winning the election and being coronated as Dux. In power, he began to move ahead forcefully with major state-backed work programs, increased rates of spending and nationalizations of businesses in efforts to prioritize maximum employment, as well as price controls and heightened taxation. Despite opposition from business leaders, many of whom have begun to pull away investment from the country in favor of the rest of the archipelago, he would continue to assert control and order the government to step in in their place. In spite of a large spike in inflation rates, he would win re-election, expanding his mandate for even further government control over the country.